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Review · Safety & Crime

Sweden is expanding surveillance. Does it work?

The number of police cameras is growing and permit requirements have been loosened. Brå's own meta-study shows where the cameras work — and where they don't.

Sweden has expanded camera surveillance sharply since 2018, and since 2020 the police no longer need a permit. But does it work? Brå's own meta-study of around 80 evaluations worldwide gives a clear and partly uncomfortable answer: the cameras reduce planned property crime — vehicle crime, theft, drug offences — in car parks and residential areas. On violent crime and public-order offences there is no demonstrated effect. Below we show what the evaluations find, where researchers disagree, and what the build-out costs — with a source at every step.

The build-out — three legal steps

Exact national figures for the number of police cameras per year are not publicly aggregated. We therefore show the legal steps and the police's own situational reports — not estimated volumes.

  1. 2012

    The police's first permanent cameras

    The police begin permanent camera surveillance at locations such as Medborgarplatsen and Stureplan in Stockholm, after a permit from the then county administrative board.

    Polismyndigheten, lägesredovisningar

  2. Aug 2018

    New Camera Surveillance Act (2018:1200)

    The Camera Surveillance Act enters into force. The permit requirement is narrowed — fewer actors need a permit, and law-enforcement purposes weigh more heavily in the balancing test.

    SFS 2018:1200

  3. Jan 2020

    Permit requirement removed for the police, Customs and the Coast Guard

    An amendment removes the permit requirement entirely for law-enforcement authorities. The balancing test against personal privacy is now done more internally. IMY (the data protection authority) retains supervisory responsibility.

    Prop. 2018/19:147 · IMY

What the meta-study actually shows

In 2018 Brå published the meta-study Does camera surveillance prevent crime? It is based on Welsh & Farrington's international review of around 80 evaluations.

Effect by crime type

Effect by crime type
Crime typeEffectSource
Vehicle-related crimeWorksBrå 2018
Property crime (theft, burglary)WorksBrå 2018
Drug offencesWorksBrå 2018
Violent crimeNo demonstrated effectBrå 2018
Public-order offencesNo demonstrated effectBrå 2018

Effect by location

Effect by location
LocationEffectSource
Car parksWorksBrå 2018
Residential areas (general)WorksBrå 2018
City centresNo demonstrated effectBrå 2018
Public transportNo demonstrated effectBrå 2018
Specific multi-family housing areasNo demonstrated effectBrå 2018

Camera surveillance mainly prevents planned property crime. The meta-study finds no demonstrated effect on violent crime or public-order offences — that is, not on the crimes that drive insecurity in the most vulnerable environments.

Source: Brå 2018

Where the research disagrees

The ESO critique: newer natural experiments

The Expert Group for Public Economics (ESO) has pointed out that several of the older studies in Brå's meta-analysis have methodological problems that make causality hard to establish. According to ESO, newer research based on natural experiments — where cameras are installed in some locations but not others for reasons unrelated to crime levels — shows a deterrent effect, particularly on planned crime such as pickpocketing.

We link to ESO's publications index in the source list below rather than citing a specific report number — several ESO texts touch on the question and we don't want to cite the wrong reference.

Local Swedish evaluations diverge

  • Södra Sofielund, Malmö (Brå/Malmö University, 2024): The cameras were perceived to disrupt open drug dealing. But the effect is entangled with other measures — closed streets, BID work, increased police presence — so the camera's isolated contribution is hard to determine.
  • Helsingborg, Landskrona, Medborgarplatsen: Brå's evaluations found no support for a general reduction in crime at the locations studied.

Cost vs benefit

Camera surveillance has investment and running costs: equipment, operation, storage, footage review and staff. Exact national figures are not publicly aggregated — we therefore give no total.

The empirical question becomes: is the scale of the build-out proportionate to the documented effect? Strong evidence exists for a subset (planned property crime in car parks and residential areas). On violent crime — what drives insecurity — there is no demonstrated effect.

Privacy — the actual trade-off

Removing the permit requirement for law-enforcement authorities in 2020 means the balancing test between surveillance needs and personal privacy is to a greater extent made internally by the police, instead of being reviewed ex ante by IMY. IMY retains supervisory responsibility after the fact.

This is a documented goal conflict — expanded state surveillance capacity vs. privacy protection — that the legislature and IMY handle themselves. The page presents the conflict neutrally and does not speculate about future regimes or systemic shifts.

Sources in the original